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zt：零 八 宪 章【中英文全版】
刘因全
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作者:
因全
零 八 宪 章
一、前言
今年是中国立宪百年，《世界人权宣言》公布60周年，"民主墙"诞生30周年，中国政府签署《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》10周年。在经历了长期的人权灾难和艰难曲折的抗争历程之后，觉醒的中国公民日渐清楚地认识到，自由、平等、人权是人类共同的普世价值；民主、共和、宪政是现代政治的基本制度架构。抽离了这些普世价值和基本政制架构的"现代化"，是剥夺人的权利、腐蚀人性、摧毁人的尊严的灾难过程。21世纪的中国将走向何方，是继续这种威权统治下的"现代化"，还是认同普世价值、融入主流文明、建立民主政体？这是一个不容回避的抉择。
19世纪中期的历史巨变，暴露了中国传统专制制度的腐朽，揭开了中华大地上"数千年未有之大变局"的序幕。洋务运动追求器物层面的进良，甲午战败再次暴露了体制的过时；戊戌变法触及到制度层面的革新，终因顽固派的残酷镇压而归于失败；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延续 2000多年的皇权制度，建立了亚洲第一个共和国。囿于当时内忧外患的特定历史条件，共和政体只是昙花一现，专制主义旋即卷土重来。器物模仿和制度更新的失败，推动国人深入到对文化病根的反思，遂有以"科学与民主"为旗帜的"五四"新文化运动，因内战频仍和外敌入侵，中国政治民主化历程被迫中断。抗日战争胜利后的中国再次开启了宪政历程，然而国共内战的结果使中国陷入了现代极权主义的深渊。1949年建立的"新中国"，名义上是"人民共和国"，实质上是" 党天下"。执政党垄断了所有政治、经济和社会资源，制造了反右、大跃进、文革、六四、打压民间宗教活动与维权运动等一系列人权灾难，致使数千万人失去生命，国民和国家都付出了极为惨重的代价。
二十世纪后期的"改革开放"，使中国摆脱了毛泽东时代的普遍贫困和绝对极权，民间财富和民众生活水平有了大幅度提高，个人的经济自由和社会权利得到部分恢复，公民社会开始生长，民间对人权和政治自由的呼声日益高涨。执政者也在进行走向市场化和私有化的经济改革的同时，开始了从拒绝人权到逐渐承认人权的转变。中国政府于1997年、1998年分别签署了两个重要的国际人权公约，全国人大于2004年通过修宪把"尊重和保障人权"写进宪法，今年又承诺制订和推行《国家人权行动计划》。但是，这些政治进步迄今为止大多停留在纸面上；有法律而无法治，有宪法而无宪政，仍然是有目共睹的政治现实。执政集团继续坚持维系威权统治，排拒政治变革，由此导致官场腐败，法治难立，人权不彰，道德沦丧，社会两极分化，经济畸形发展，自然环境和人文环境遭到双重破坏，公民的自由、财产和追求幸福的权利得不到制度化的保障，各种社会矛盾不断积累，不满情绪持续高涨，特别是官民对立激化和群体事件激增，正在显示着灾难性的失控趋势，现行体制的落伍已经到了非改不可的地步。
二、我们的基本理念
当此决定中国未来命运的历史关头，有必要反思百年来的现代化历程，重申如下基本理念：
自由：自由是普世价值的核心之所在。言论、出版、信仰、集会、结社、迁徙、罢工和游行示威等权利都是自由的具体体现。自由不昌，则无现代文明可言。
人权：人权不是国家的赐予，而是每个人与生俱来就享有的权利。保障人权，既是政府的首要目标和公共权力合法性的基础，也是"以人为本"的内在要求。中国的历次政治灾难都与执政当局对人权的无视密切相关。人是国家的主体，国家服务于人民，政府为人民而存在。
平等：每一个个体的人，不论社会地位、职业、性别、经济状况、种族、肤色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊严、自由都是平等的。必须落实法律面前人人平等的原则，落实公民的社会、经济、文化、政治权利平等的原则。
共和：共和就是"大家共治，和平共生"，就是分权制衡与利益平衡，就是多种利益成分、不同社会集团、多元文化与信仰追求的群体，在平等参与、公平竞争、共同议政的基础上，以和平的方式处理公共事务。
民主：最基本的涵义是主权在民和民选政府。民主具有如下基本特点：（1）政权的合法性来自人民，政治权力来源于人民；（2）政治统治经过人民选择，（3）公民享有真正的选举权，各级政府的主要政务官员必须通过定期的竞选产生。（4）尊重多数人的决定，同时保护少数人的基本人权。一句话，民主使政府成为"民有、民治、民享"的现代公器。
宪政：宪政是通过法律规定和法治来保障宪法确定的公民基本自由和权利的原则，限制并划定政府权力和行为的边界，并提供相应的制度设施。
在中国，帝国皇权的时代早已一去不复返了；在世界范围内，威权体制也日近黄昏；公民应该成为真正的国家主人。祛除依赖"明君"、"清官"的臣民意识，张扬权利为本、参与为责的公民意识，实践自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中国的根本出路。
三、我们的基本主张
藉此，我们本着负责任与建设性的公民精神对国家政制、公民权利与社会发展诸方面提出如下具体主张：
1、修改宪法：根据前述价值理念修改宪法，删除现行宪法中不符合主权在民原则的条文，使宪法真正成为人权的保证书和公共权力的许可状，成为任何个人、团体和党派不得违反的可以实施的最高法律，为中国民主化奠定法权基础。
2、分权制衡：构建分权制衡的现代政府，保证立法、司法、行政三权分立。确立法定行政和责任政府的原则，防止行政权力过分扩张；政府应对纳税人负责；在中央和地方之间建立分权与制衡制度，中央权力须由宪法明确界定授权，地方实行充分自治。
3、立法民主：各级立法机构由直选产生，立法秉持公平正义原则，实行立法民主。
4、司法独立：司法应超越党派、不受任何干预，实行司法独立，保障司法公正；设立宪法法院，建立违宪审查制度，维护宪法权威。尽早撤销严重危害国家法治的各级党的政法委员会，避免公器私用。
5、公器公用：实现军队国家化，军人应效忠于宪法，效忠于国家，政党组织应从军队中退出，提高军队职业化水平。包括警察在内的所有公务员应保持政治中立。消除公务员录用的党派歧视，应不分党派平等录用。
6、人权保障：切实保障人权，维护人的尊严。设立对最高民意机关负责的人权委员会，防止政府滥用公权侵犯人权，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、传讯、审问、处罚，废除劳动教养制度。
7、公职选举：全面推行民主选举制度，落实一人一票的平等选举权。各级行政首长的直接选举应制度化地逐步推行。定期自由竞争选举和公民参选法定公共职务是不可剥夺的基本人权。
8、城乡平等：废除现行的城乡二元户籍制度，落实公民一律平等的宪法权利，保障公民的自由迁徙权。
9、结社自由：保障公民的结社自由权，将现行的社团登记审批制改为备案制。开放党禁，以宪法和法律规范政党行为，取消一党垄断执政特权，确立政党活动自由和公平竞争的原则，实现政党政治正常化和法制化。
10、集会自由：和平集会、游行、示威和表达自由，是宪法规定的公民基本自由，不应受到执政党和政府的非法干预与违宪限制。
11、言论自由：落实言论自由、出版自由和学术自由，保障公民的知情权和监督权。制订《新闻法》和《出版法》，开放报禁，废除现行《刑法》中的"煽动颠覆国家政权罪"条款，杜绝以言治罪。
12、宗教自由：保障宗教自由与信仰自由，实行政教分离，宗教信仰活动不受政府干预。审查并撤销限制或剥夺公民宗教自由的行政法规、行政规章和地方性法规；禁止以行政立法管理宗教活动。废除宗教团体（包括宗教活动场所）必经登记始获合法地位的事先许可制度，代之以无须任何审查的备案制。
13、公民教育：取消服务于一党统治、带有浓厚意识形态色彩的政治教育与政治考试，推广以普世价值和公民权利为本的公民教育，确立公民意识，倡导服务社会的公民美德。
14、财产保护：确立和保护私有财产权利，实行自由、开放的市场经济制度，保障创业自由，消除行政垄断；设立对最高民意机关负责的国有资产管理委员会，合法有序地展开产权改革，明晰产权归属和责任者；开展新土地运动，推进土地私有化，切实保障公民尤其是农民的土地所有权。
15、财税改革：确立民主财政和保障纳税人的权利。建立权责明确的公共财政制度构架和运行机制，建立各级政府合理有效的财政分权体系；对赋税制度进行重大改革，以降低税率、简化税制、公平税负。非经社会公共选择过程，民意机关决议，行政部门不得随意加税、开征新税。通过产权改革，引进多元市场主体和竞争机制，降低金融准入门槛，为发展民间金融创造条件，使金融体系充分发挥活力。
16、社会保障：建立覆盖全体国民的社会保障体制，使国民在教育、医疗、养老和就业等方面得到最基本的保障。
17、环境保护：保护生态环境，提倡可持续发展，为子孙后代和全人类负责；明确落实国家和各级官员必须为此承担的相应责任；发挥民间组织在环境保护中的参与和监督作用。
18、联邦共和：以平等、公正的态度参与维持地区和平与发展，塑造一个负责任的大国形象。维护香港、澳门的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通过平等谈判与合作互动的方式寻求海峡两岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁荣的可能途径和制度设计，在民主宪政的架构下建立中华联邦共和国。
19、转型正义：为历次政治运动中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家属，恢复名誉，给予国家赔偿；释放所有政治犯和良心犯，释放所有因信仰而获罪的人员；成立真相调查委员会，查清历史事件的真相，厘清责任，伸张正义；在此基础上寻求社会和解。
四、结语
中国作为世界大国，作为联合国安理会五个常任理事国之一和人权理事会的成员，理应为人类和平事业与人权进步做出自身的贡献。但令人遗憾的是，在当今世界的所有大国里，唯独中国还处在威权主义政治生态中，并由此造成连绵不断的人权灾难和社会危机，束缚了中华民族的自身发展，制约了人类文明的进步——这种局面必须改变！政治民主化变革不能再拖延下去。
为此，我们本着勇于践行的公民精神，公布《零八宪章》。我们希望所有具有同样危机感、责任感和使命感的中国公民，不分朝野，不论身份，求同存异，积极参与到公民运动中来，共同推动中国社会的伟大变革，以期早日建成一个自由、民主、宪政的国家，实现国人百余年来锲而不舍的追求与梦想。
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于浩成（北京，法学家）
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武辛源（河北 农民）
杜和平（贵州，民主人士）
冯 玲（湖北，宪政义工）
张先忠（湖北，企业家）
蔡敬忠(广东 农民)
王典斌（湖北，企业主）
蔡金才(广东 农民)
高爱国（湖北，企业主）
陈湛尧（广东 农民）
何文凯（湖北，企业主）
吴党英（上海，维权人士）
曾庆彬（广东 工人）
毛海秀（上海，维权人士）
庄道鹤（杭州，律师）
黎雄兵（北京，律师）
李任科（贵州，民主人士）
左 力（河北 律师）
董德筑（贵州，民主人士）
陶玉平（贵州，民主人士）
王俊秀（北京，IT从业者）
黄晓敏（四川，维权人士）
郑恩宠（上海，法律人）
张君令（上海，维权人士）
杨 海（陕西，学者）
艾福荣（上海，维权人士）
杨华仁（湖北，法律工作者）
魏 勤（上海，维权人士）
苏祖祥（湖北，教师）
沈玉莲（上海，维权人士）
关洪山（湖北，人权捍卫者）
宋先科（广东，商人）
汪国强（湖北，人权捍卫者）
陈恩娟（上海，维权人士）
李 勇（北京，媒体人）
常雄发（上海，维权人士）
王京龙（北京，管理学者）
许正清（上海，维权人士）
高军生（陕西，编辑）
郑蓓蓓（上海，维权人士）
王定华（湖北，律师）
谈兰英（上海，维权人士）
范燕琼（福建，人权捍卫者）
林 辉（浙江，诗人）
吴华英（福建，人权捍卫者）
薛振标（浙江，民主人士）
董国菁（上海，人权捍卫者）
陈玉峰（湖北，法律工作者）
段若飞（上海，人权捍卫者）
王中陵（陕西，教师）
董春华（上海，人权捍卫者）
陈修琴（上海，人权捍卫者）
刘正有（四川，人权捍卫者）
马 萧（北京，作家）
万延海（北京，公共卫生专家）
沈佩兰（上海，维权人士）
叶孝刚（浙江，大学退休教师）
张劲松（安徽，工人）
章锦发（浙江，退休人员）
王丽卿（上海，维权人士）
赵常青（陕西，作家）
金月花（上海，维权人士）
余樟法（广西，作家）
陈启勇（上海，维权人士）
刘贤斌（四川，民主人士）
欧阳懿（四川，人权捍卫者）
邓焕武（重庆，商人）
贺伟华（湖南，民主人士）
李东卓（湖南，IT从业者）
田永德（内蒙，人权捍卫者）
智效民（山西，学者）
李昌玉（山东，教师）
郭卫东（浙江，职员）
陈 卫（四川，民主人士）
王金安（湖北，企业主）
察文君（上海，维权人士）
侯述明（湖北，企业主）
刘汉南（湖北，人权捍卫者）
史若平（山东，教授）
张忍祥（湖北，人权捍卫者）
野 渡（广东，编辑）
夏 刚（湖北，人权捍卫者）
赵国良（湖南，民主人士）
李智英（北京，学者）
张重发（贵州，民主人士）
陈永苗（北京，学者）
江 婴（天津，诗人）
田祖湘（贵州，民主人士）
黄志佳（湖北，公务员）
关业波（湖北，公务员）
王望明（湖北，企业主）
高新瑞（湖北，企业家）
宋水泉（湖北，法律工作者）
赵景洲（黑龙江，人权捍卫者）
温克坚（浙江，学者）
魏文英（云南，教师）
陈惠娟（黑龙江，人权捍卫者）
陈炎雄（湖北，教师）
段春芳（上海，人权捍卫者）
刘正善（云南，工程师）
关 敏（湖北，大学教师）
戴元龙（福建，企业主）
余以为 （广东，自由撰稿人）
韩祖荣（福建，企业主)
汪定亮（湖北，律师）
陈青林（北京，人权捍卫者）
钱世顺（广东，企业主）
曾伯炎（四川，作家）
马亚莲（上海，人权捍卫者）
车宏年（山东，自由撰稿人）
秦志刚（山东，电子工程师）
宋翔峰（湖北，教师）
邓复华（湖北，作家）
徐 康（湖北，公务员）
李建强（山东，律师）
李仁兵（北京，律师）
裘美丽（上海，维权人士）
兰志学（北京，律师）
周锦昌（浙江，退休人员）
黄燕明（贵州，民主人士）
刘 巍 （北京，律师）
鄢烈汉（湖北，企业主）
陈德富（贵州，民主人士）
郭用新（湖北，医生）
郭永丰（广东，中国公民监政会发起人）
袁新亭 （广州，编辑）
戚惠民 （浙江，民主人士）
李 宇（四川，采编）
谢福林（湖南，人权捍卫者）
徐 光（浙江，企业主）
野 火 （广东，自由撰稿人）
邹 巍（浙江，维权人士）
萧利彬（浙江，工程师）
高海兵（浙江，民主人士）
田奇庄（河北, 作家）
邓太清（山西，民主人士）
裴鸿信（河北，教师）
徐 民（吉林，法律工作者）
李喜阁（河南，维权人士）
王德邦（北京，作家）
冯秋盛（广东，农民）
侯文豹（安徽，维权人士）
唐吉田（北京，律师）
刘荣超（安徽，农民）
李天翔（河南，工人）
崔玉振（河北，律师）
许茂连（安徽，农民）
翟林华（安徽，教师）
陶晓霞（安徽，农民）
张 望（福建，工人）
黄大川（辽宁，职员）
陈啸原（海南，职员）
张鉴康（陕西，法律工作者）
张星水（北京，律师）
马纲权（北京，律师）
王金祥（湖北，维权人士）
王家英（湖北，企业主）
鄢来云（湖北，企业主）
李小明（湖北，维权人士）
肖水祥（湖北，维权人士）
鄢裕祥（湖北，维权人士）
刘 毅（北京，画家）
张正祥（云南，环保人士）
（共303人）
签名规则：
1，本宪章为开放签名。
2，请用真名或常用笔名签名，并注明所在地和职业。
3、签名格式：姓名、当前所在省份、职业。如：张XX（北京，作家）
4，签名信箱：2008xianzhang@gmail.com，2008xianzhang2008@gmail.com
-- (Chinese Human Rights Defenders, December 10, 2008) – A group of Chinese
citizens launched Charter 08 (零八宪章) to mark the International Human
Rights Day and the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. This English translation of Charter 08, authorized by its drafters,
is now available on the website of New York Review of Books (NYRB). CHRD has
obtained the permission of NYRB to include the full text of the translation
in this press release.
One signatory to the Charter, Liu Xiaobo (刘晓波), a prominent dissident
intellectual, remains in police custody after he was taken away from his
home on October 8. Another signatory and main author of Charter 08, Zhang
Zuhua (张祖桦), was interrogated for 12 hours and released yesterday
morning. On December 9 Jiang Qisheng (江棋生), a scientist, was questioned
for signing the Charter. Also on December 9, Pu Zhiqiang (浦志强), another
signatory to the Charter and a Beijing lawyer, was closely followed and his
movement restricted by the police.
CHRD believes that Liu is detained solely for peacefully exercising his
freedom of expression. CHRD asks the international community to raise
concerns about Liu's arbitrary detention and demand his immediate release.
=========================================================================
Charter 08
[[[Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens,
was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter
77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech
and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of
people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for
respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current
political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including
one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights
and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside
and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and
intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have
chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline
their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08"
to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the
years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group,
open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization
and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu
Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as
of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
]]]
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first
constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the
promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth
anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the
tenth of China's signing of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the
1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese
people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable
struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that
freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind
and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental
framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to
"modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their
rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse.
So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it
continue with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it
embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized
nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these
questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century
laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of
what is often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for
China. A "self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply
at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western
material objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan
in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government.
The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated
summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by
ultraconservatives at China's imperial court. With the revolution of
1911, which inaugurated Asia's first republic, the authoritarian
imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to
have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and
external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of
warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused
many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness"
was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth
Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and
democracy." Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted
and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought
national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move
toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists
in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism.
The "new China" that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are
sovereign" but in fact set up a system in which "the Party is
all-powerful." The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs
of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and,
using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters,
including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the
Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the
June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current
repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the
weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights
promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights
recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has
signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan
price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations
have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity
cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government
policy of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the
pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought
substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese
as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic
rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights
and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself
moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift
from an outright rejection of "rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human
rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the
phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has
promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately
most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper
on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone
to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a
constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite
continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move
toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining
of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony
capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage
of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical
environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts,
especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials
and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling
elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of
citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we
see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who
have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even
torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no
courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the
possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline
of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer
optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the
balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past
hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values
as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of
speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of
association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to
demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom
takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is
born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists
for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of
state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of
political disasters in China's recent history is a direct consequence of
the ruling regime's disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless
of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin
color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other.
Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic,
cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced
among different branches of government and competing interests should be
served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness
in all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social
assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to
exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach
peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to
government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the
people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy
has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people
and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political
power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders
of major official posts in government at all levels are determined
through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of
the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of
minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for
achieving government truly "of the people, by the people, and for the
people."
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system
and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a
constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of
citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government
power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve
these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China,
too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is
arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the
path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of
the authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an
"honest official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties,
democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness
of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a
duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and
constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on
national governance, citizens' rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution,
rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty
resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely
guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and
serves as the legal underpinning of China's democratization. The
constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by
any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in
which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is
guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of
government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power.
Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between
provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the
principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the
constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels
should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should
observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests
of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We
need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute
procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should
abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now
allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide
politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should
strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made
answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and
should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear
allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party
organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials
including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice
of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human
rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights
Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will
prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human
rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee
the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest,
detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of
"Reeducation through Labor" must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system
of democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct
election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city,
province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to
hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are
inalienable.
8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be
abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents.
We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same
constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be
guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups,
which requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system
in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political
parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means
that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize
power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among
political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful
assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are
fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government
must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or
unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of
the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that
citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political
supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that
abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the
current Criminal Law that refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert
state power" must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing
words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and
belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be
no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should
abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the
religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that
requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official
approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is
optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political
curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students
in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We
should replace them with civic education that advances universal values
and citizens' rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic
virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the
right to private property and promote an economic system of free and
fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce
and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We
should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the
national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned
enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly
manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private
ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows
the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically
regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the
protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal
procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a
certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are
controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any
unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly.
Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new
ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic
assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage
competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social
security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to
education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural
environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and
responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means
insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do
what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the
supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a
responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the
Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and
fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that
already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment
to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as
equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful
unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas
of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework
within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim
ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all
people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in
the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as
criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should
pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners
of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation
Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and
atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and,
on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members
of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN
Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind
and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the
only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian
politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights
disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China's own
development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization.
This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics
can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing
Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of
crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the
government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside
small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement.
Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the
rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country.
We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have
incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a
brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
signed by:
Yu Haocheng (Beijing, Jurist)
Zhang Sizhi (Beijing, Lawyer)
Mao Yushi (Beijing, Economist)
Du Guang (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Li Pu (Beijing, Ex Vice-director Xinhua News Agency)
Liu Shahe (Sichuan, Poet)
Sha Yexin (Shanghai, Dramatist)
Wu Maohua (Sichuan, Writer)
Zhang Xianyang (Beijing, Thinker)
Sun Wenguang (Shandong, Professor)
Bao Tong (Beijing, Citizen)
Ding Zilin (Beijing, Professor)
Zhang Xianling (Beijing, Engineer)
Xu Jue (Beijing, Researcher)
Jiang Peikun (Beijing, Professor)
Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Writer)
Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, Scholar)
Gao Yu (Beijing, Journalist)
Dai Qing (Beijing, Writer)
Jiang Qisheng (Beijing, Scholar)
Ai Xiaoming (Guangzhou, Professor)
Liu Junning (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Zhang Xukun (Zhejiang, Professor)
Xu Youyu (Beijing, Philosopher)
He Weifang (Beijing, Jurist)
Mo Shaoping (Beijing, Lawyer)
Chen Ziming (Beijing, Scholar)
Zhang Boshu (Beijing, Political Scientist)
Cui Weiping (Beijing, Scholar)
He Guanghu (Beijing, Religion Scholar)
Hao Jian (Beijing, Scholar)
Shen Minhua (Zhejiang, Professor)
Li Datong (Beijing, Journalist)
Su Xianting (Beijing, Art Critic)
Zhang Ming (Beijing, Professor)
Yu Jie (Beijing, Writer)
Yu Shicun (Beijing, Writer)
Qin Geng (Hainan, Writer)
Zhou Duo (Beijing, Scholar)
Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, Lawyer)
Zhao Dagong (Beijing, Writer)
Yao Lifa (Hubei, Election expert)
Feng Zhenghu (Shanghai, Scholar)
Zhou Qing (Beijing, Writer)
Yang Hengjun (Guangzhou, Writer)
Teng Biao (Beijing, Lecturer)
Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, Writer)
Wei SeTibet, Writer
Ma Bo (Beijing, Writer)
Cha Jianying (Beijing, Writer)
Hu Fayun (Hubei, Writer)
Jiao Guobiao (Beijing, Scholar)
Li Gongming (Guangdong, Professor)
Zhao Hui (Beijing, Critic)
Li Baiguang (Beijing, Lawyer)
Fu Guoyong (Zhejiang, Writer)
Ma Shaofang (Guangdong, Businessman)
Zhang Hong (Shanghai, Professor)
Xia Yeliang (Beijing, Economist)
Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, Scholar)
Liao Yiwu (Sichuan, Writer)
Wang Yi (Sichuan, Scholar)
Wang Xiaoyu (Shanghai, Scholar)
Su Yuanzhen (Zhejiang, Professor)
Qiang Jianzhong (Nanjing, Senior Journalist)
Ouyang Xiaorong (Yunnan, Poet)
Liu Di (Beijing, Self-empolyed)
Zan Aizong (Zhejiang, Journalist)
Zhou Hongling (Beijing, Social Activist)
Feng Gang (Zhejiang, Professor)
Chen Lin (Guangzhou, Scholar)
Yin Xian (Gansu, Poet)
Zhou Ming (Zhejiang, Professor)
Ling Cangzhou (Beijing, Journalist)
Tie Liu (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Fengxiao (Shandong, Rightist )
Yao Bo (Beijing, Critic)
Zhang Jinjun (Guangdong, Professional manager)
Li Jianhong (Shanghai, Writer)
Zhang Shanguang (Hunan, Human rights Defender)
Li Deming (Hunan Media Worker)
Liu Jianan (Hunan, Teacher)
Wang Xiaoshan (Beijing, Media worker)
Fan Yafeng (Beijing, Scholar)
Zhou Mingchu (Zhejiang, Professor)
Liang Xiaoyan (Beijing, Enviromental Volunteer)
Xu Xiao (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Xi (Guizhou, Human rights Defender)
Zhao Cheng (Shanxi, Scholar)
Li Yuanlong (Guizhou, Freelance Writer)
Shen Youlian (Guizhou, Human rights Defender)
Jiang Suimin (Beijing, Engineer)
Lu Zhongming (Shanxi, Scholar)
Meng Huang (Beijing, Painter)
Lin Fuwu (Fujian, Human rights Defender)
Liao Shuangyuan (Guizhou, Human rights Defender)
Lu Xuesong (Jilin, Teacher)
Guo Yushan (Beijing, Scholar)
Chen Huanhui (Fujian, Human rights Defender)
Zhu Jiuhu (Beijing, Lawyer)
Jin GuangHong (Beijing, Lawyer)
Gao Chaoqun (Beijing, Editor)
Bai Feng (Jilin, Poet)
Zheng Xuguang (Beijing, Scholar)
Zeng Jinyan (Beijing, Rights Defender)
Wu Yuqin (Guizhou, Human rights Defender)
Du Yilong (Shanxi, Writer)
Li Hai (Beijing, Human Rights Defender)
Zhang Hui (Shanxi, Democratic Activist)
Jiangshan (Guangdong, Rights Defender)
Xu Guoqing (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Wu Yu (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Zhang Mingzhen (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Zeng Ning (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Quan Linzhi (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Ye Hang (Zhejiang, Professor)
Ma YunlongHenan, Scholar
Zhu Jianguo (Guangdong, Writer)
Li Tie (Guangdong, Democratic Activist)
Mo Jiangang (Guizhou, Freelance writer)
Zhang Yaojie (Beijing, Scholar)
Wu Baojian (Zhejiang, Lawyer)
Yang Guang (Guangxi, Scholar)
Yu Meisun (Beijing,Legal worker)
Xing Jian (Beijing, Legal Worker)
Wang Guangze (Beijing, Social Activist)
Chen Shaohua (Guangdong, Designer)
Liu Yiming (Hubei, Freelance Writer)
Wu Zuolai (Beijing, Researcher)
Gao Zhen (Shandong, Artist)
Gao Qiang (Shandong, Artist)
Tang Jingling (Guangzhou, Lawyer)
Li Xiaolong (Guangxi, Rights Defender)
Jing Chu (Guangxi, Freelance Writer)
Li Biao (Anhui, Businessman)
Guo Yan (Guangzhou, Lawyer)
Yang ShiyuanZhejiang, Rightist
Yang Kuanxing (Shandong, Writer)
Li Jinfang (Hebei, Democratic Activist)
Wang Yuwen (Guizhou, Poet)
Yang Zhongyi (Anhui, Worker)
Wu Xinyuan (Hebei, Farmer)
Du Heping (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Feng Ling (Hubei, Democratic Activist)
Zhang Xianzhong (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Cai Jingzhong (Guangdong, Farmer)
Wang DianbinHubei, Entrepreneur
Cai Jincai (Guangdong, Farmer)
Gao Aiguo (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Chen Zhanyao (Guangdong,Farmer)
He Wenkai (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Wu Dangying (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Zeng Qingbin (Guangdong,Worker)
Mao Haixiu (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Zhuang DaoheHangzhou, Lawyer
Li Xiongbing (Beijing, Lawyer)
Li Renke (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Zuo Li (Hebei, Lawyer)
Dong Dez (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Tao Yuping (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
ITWang Junxiu (Beijing, IT Professional)
Huang Xiaomin (Sichuan, Rights Defender)
Zheng Enchong (Shanghai,Lawyer)
Zhang Junling (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Yang Hai (Shanxi, Scholar)
Ai Furong (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Yang Huaren (Hubei, Legal Worker)
Wei Qin (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Su Zuxiang (Hubei, Teacher)
Shen Yulian (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Guan Hongshan (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Song Xianke (Guangdong, Businessman)
Wang Guoqiang (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Wang Debang (Beijing, Writer)
Chen Enjuan (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Li Yong (Beijing, Media worker)
Chang Xiongfa (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Wang Jinglong (Beijing, Scholar)
Xu Zhengqing (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Gao Junsheng (Shanxi, Editor)
Zheng Beibei (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Wang Dinghua (Hubei, Lawyer)
Tan Lanying (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Fan Yanqiong (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Lin Hui (Zhejiang, Poet)
Wu Huaying (Fujian, Human Rights Defender)
Xue Zhenbiao (Zhejiang, Democratic Activist)
Dong Guoqing (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Yufeng (Hubei, Legal Worker)
Duan Ruofei (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Wang Zhongling (Shanxi, Teacher)
Dong Chunhua (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Xiuqin (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Gu Chuan (Beijing, Journalist)
Liu Zhengyou (Sichuan, Rights Defender)
Ma Xiao (Beijing, Writer)
Wan Yanhai (Beijing, Public Health Expert)
Shen Peilan Shanghai, Rights Defender
Ye Xiaogang (Zhejiang, retired Lecturer)
Zhang Jingsong (Anhui, Worker)
Zhang Jinfa (Zhejiang, Rightist)
Wang liqing (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Zhao Changqing (Shanxi, Writer)
Jin Yuehua (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Yu Zhangfa (Guangxi, Writer)
Chen Qiyong (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Liu Xianbin (Sichuan, Democratic Activist)
Ouyang Yi (Sichuan, Human Rights Defender)
Deng Huanwu (Chongqing, Businessman)
He Weihua (Hunan, Democratic Activist)
ITLi Dongzhuo (Hunan, IT professional)
Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, Human Rights Defender)
Zhi Xiaomin (Shanxi, Scholar)
Li Changyu (Shandong, Teacher)
Zhu Jianguo (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Guo Weidong (Zhejiang, Clerk)
Chen Wei (Sichuan, Democratic Activist)
Wang Jinan (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Cha Wenjun (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Hou Shuming (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Liu Hannan (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Shi Ruoping (Shandong, Professor)
Zhang renxiang (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Ye Du (Guangdong, Editor)
Xia Gang (Hubei, Human Rights Defender)
Zhao Guoliang (Hunan,Democratic Activist)
Li Zhiying (Beijing, Social Activist)
Zhang Chongfa (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Chen Yongmiao (Beijing, Lawyer)
Jiang Ying (Tianjin, Poet)
Tian Zuxiang (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Huang Zhijia (Hubei,Public Servant)
Guan Yebo (Hubei, Public Servant)
Wang Wangming (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Gao Xinrui (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Song Shuiquan (Hubei, Legal Worker)
Zhao Jingzhou (Heilongjiang, Human Rights Defender)
Wen Kejian (Zhejiang, Scholar)
Wei Wenying (Yunan, Teacher)
Chen Huijuan (Heilongjiang, Human Rights Defender)
Chen Yanxiong (Hubei, Teacher)
Duan Chunfang (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Liu Zhengshan (Yunnan, Engineer)
Guan Min (Hubei, Lecturer)
Dai Yuanlong (Fujian, Entrepreneur)
Yu Yiwei (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Han Zurong (Fujian, Entrepreneur)
Wang Dingliang (Hubei, Lawyer)
Chen Qinglin (Beijing, Human Rights Defender)
Qian Shishun (Guangdong, Entrepreneur)
Zeng Boyan (Sichuan, Writer)
Ma Yalian (Shanghai, Human Rights Defender)
Che Hongnian (Shandong, Freelance Writer)
Qin Zhigang (Shandong, Engineer)
Song Xiangfeng (Hubei, Teacher)
Deng Fuhua (Hubei, Writer)
Xu Kang (Hubei, Public servant)
Li Jianqiang (Shandong, Lawyer)
Li Renbing (Beijing, Lawyer)
Qiu Meili (Shanghai, Rights Defender)
Lan Zhixue (Beijing, Lawyer)
Zhou Jinchang (Zhejiang, Rightist)
Huang YanmingGuizhou, Democratic Activist
Liu Wei (Beijing, Lawyer)
Yan Liehan (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Chen Defu (Guizhou, Democratic Activist)
Guo Yongxin (Hubei, Doctor)
Guo Yongfeng (Guangdong,Rights Defender)
Yuan Xinting (Guangzhou, Editor)
Qi Huimin (Zhejiang, Democratic Activist)
Li Yu (Sichuan, Editor)
Xie Fulin (Hunan, Human Rights Defender)
Xu Guang (Zhejiang, Entrepreneur)
Ye Huo (Guangdong, Freelance Writer)
Zou Wei (Zhejiang, Rights Defender)
Xiao Linbin (Zhejiang, Engineer)
Gao Haibing (Zhejiang, Democratic Activist)
Tian Qizhuang (Hebei, Writer)
Deng Taiqing (Shanxi, Democratic Activist)
Pei Hongxin (Hebei, Teacher)
Xu Min (Jilin, Legal worker)
Li Xige (Henan, Rights Defender)
Feng QiuSheng (Guangdong, Farmer)
Hou Wenbao (Anhui, Rights Defender)
Tang Jitian (Beijing, Lawyer)
Liu Rongchao (Anhui, Farmer)
Li Tianxiang (Henan,worker)
Cui Yuzhen (Hebei, Lawyer)
Xu Maolian (Anhui, Farmer)
Zhai Linhua (Anhui, Teacher)
Tao Xiaoxia (Anhui, Farmer)
Zhang Wang (Fujian, Worker)
Huang Dachuan (Liaoning, Clerk)
Chen Xiaoyuan (Hainan, Clerk)
Zhang Jiankang (Shaanxi, Law worker)
Zhang Xingshui (Beijing, Lawyer)
Ma Gangquan (Beijing, Lawyer)
Wang Jinxiang (Hubei, Rights Defender)
Wang Jiaying (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Yan Laiyun (Hubei, Entrepreneur)
Li Xiaoming (Hubei, Rights Defender)
Xiao Shuixiang (Hubei, Rights Defender)
Yan Yuxiang (Hubei, Rights Defender)
Liu Yi (Beijing, Painter)
Zhang Zhengxiang (Yunnan, Environmentalist)
—translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
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